There’s an age-old argument concerning sport and its association with politics. We often see football clubs disassociate themselves from political causes, and governing bodies of the game are quick to punish clubs if they refrain from doing so. However, the notion that football and politics should be mutually exclusive is not a view to which Celtic’s board have always subscribed. Indeed, Bob Kelly spoke enthusiastically on the matter in 1971 when he remarked: “I wish I had a pound for every time it has been said or written that politics and sport do not mix – or should not mix. But with the emergence of sport, especially football, as an important aid to enhancing a country’s prestige in the world it is much harder to keep politics and sport apart.”
It was only three years before Kelly uttered those words, that he had used his role as Celtic Chairman to take a powerful political stance on behalf of the club. On that occasion, Celtic had been paired against Hungarian champions, Ferencvaros, in the European Cup. Political problems had been brewing in Eastern Europe since the end of World War II. A metaphorical ‘Iron Curtain’, termed by Winston Churchill, had split Europe in half. On the west side one would find the USA’s NATO allies living in capitalist free market economies, whereas the east side was home to communist, totalitarian dominions such as the Soviet Union.
Many of Europe’s Communist states formed a military alliance, known as the Warsaw Pact, which was dominated by the Soviet Union. One should not assume that everything went smoothly between the aligned nations. It goes without saying that there were issues and no example better demonstrates this fact than the Hungarian Uprising of October 1956. The nationwide revolt against the government of the Hungarian People’s Republic and its Soviet-imposed policies had seen Hungary’s population gain temporary freedom from what they viewed to be red oppression. The Hungarian revolutionaries went further, stunning communism’s strongest supporters by forming a new government, which vowed to withdraw from the Warsaw Pact, re-stablish free elections and seek priority on the United Nations’ agenda. However, those freedoms were sharply revoked as Soviet tanks re-entered the nation and descended on the east of the country in early November. As Soviet troops amassed, communication with the west was cut off once again and over 4,000 people were to die in the resulting re-invasion.
12 years later, the Soviet Union had become concerned about the actions of another nation. This time Czechoslovakia would receive the full wrath of Soviet forces because the Czech’s Communist Party leader, Alexander Dubcek, had introduced reforms under the banner of ‘socialism with a human face’. These reforms, which liberated the media and lifted travel restrictions for its citizens, frightened Leonid Brehznev, who was the figurehead of communism in Moscow. As an influential presence at the epicentre of the ideology, Brehznev was wary of maintaining Moscow’s influence over the Communist states of central Europe. His doctrine regarding the Warsaw Pact stated that ‘Nobody will ever be allowed to wrest a single link from the community of socialist states.’
Czechoslovakia’s refusal to undo the reforms did little to ease the paranoia in communist circles. That the Czechs might do as Hungary attempted and withdraw from the Warsaw Pact, led Brehznev to ensure that communism’s grip would not be loosened again. Therefore, the invasion of Czechoslovakia was ordered with immediate effect.
Regardless of fierce criticism of the invasion, tangible opposition in Western Europe was limited. A United Nations’ formal legislature of opposing the action was vetoed by the Soviet’s themselves. Whilst, opposition from the USA and western nations was mocked as hypocritical due to the Vietnam War and similar misdemeanours. As a combination of forces within the Warsaw Pact alliance occupied Prague, it became apparent that organisational and military intervention from the west was never going to happen.
One may wonder where Celtic comes in to all this. Up step Bob Kelly, who found another medium to take a stance against the invasion, when Celtic were paired with Ferencvaros in the European Cup first round, on 18 September 1968. The imperialist events unfolding in Prague, coupled with the restrictive conditions of travelling behind the Iron Curtain, were not something that a progressive institution such as Celtic Football Club felt comfortable with. Of course, the Soviet Football Federation insisting that Celtic travel on a Soviet plane and take a 1000-mile detour when the club faced Dynamo Kiev a year earlier, was also fresh in the memory.
Bob Kelly implied that there would be a protest from the club, when he claimed that it would be “One way of putting on record our moral support for the Czechs.” Celtic confirmed those actions when they sent a telegram to the UEFA Secretary. It read: In view of the illegal and treacherous invasion of Czechoslovakia by Russian, Polish and Hungarian forces and in support of the Czech nation, we, the Celtic Football Club, do not think that any Western European Football Club should be forced to fulfil any football commitment in any of these countries.
The protest was not warmly received by UEFA, who were more intent on appeasing its Soviet members than supporting human justice. However, the move by Kelly and Celtic had an incredible rippling effect. A conglomeration of clubs moved to join the Celts in demanding not to be asked to play football in Eastern Europe. Switzerland then called off an international friendly against Poland in protest at the Polish aspect of the Czech invasion.
In Scotland, the support Celtic received over the move, from their domestic competitors, was of a scale seldom seen before. The position taken by the club even gained public support from two opposite ends of the spectrum. Rivals, Rangers, praised the action of the Celtic board, whilst Aberdeen sent a telegram of their own to the committee of the International Trade Fairs Cup. Not everyone fell in line with Celtic’s altruistic approach though, and despite Aberdeen’s request, the organisers refused to allow the deplorable actions behind the Iron Curtain to divide the competition.
Perhaps the committee’s decision was influenced by the fact that it was primarily English led, and Aberdeen’s telegram had not been received until the final stage of the tournament; a Final which included English club, Leeds United.
Leeds were, ironically, scheduled to play the second of a two-legged Final against Ferencvaros, the very team that Celtic were paired with in the first round of the European Cup that season. Ferencvaros were permitted to compete in both the European Cup and the Fairs Cup competitions as the latter was initially open to teams from cities which hosted trade fairs, whilst national champion status, allowing clubs to enter the European Cup, bore no relevance. Following a revamp of the competition after 1968, teams only competed in the tournament if they finished as runners up in the league, meaning this was the final time that national champions such as Ferencvaros were eligible to partake in the Fairs Cup, alongside its premier counterpart (European Cup), in the same season.
Leeds had won the first leg against the Hungarian champions by a goal to nil. At that halfway point in the Final, the Yorkshire club’s Manager, Don Revie, said to The Yorkshire Evening Post: “We will be condemned by many people for not refusing to play the Hungarian champions in view of what has happened recently in Czechoslovakia. Much has been written and said about the ways in which the western world can show its disapproval. Sadly, soccer is being used as a weapon in the political arena.” Revie continued with a verbal attack on Celtic: “Celtic, who were due to meet Ferencvaros in the first round of the European Cup this season, threatened to boycott the match because of the Czech crisis. Politics? I prefer to leave this to the politicians. This does not mean I do not feel strongly about what has happened in Czechoslovakia – but I feel that political opinion should not be allowed to interfere in any way with sport.”
Danish teams were among those, who didn’t share Revie’s view, stating that they would withdraw from the Fairs Cup tournament if they were drawn against teams from Eastern Europe during the next season. Momentum was building in favour of Celtic’s position when the stakes were heightened, as the Swedish Government suggested that UEFA competitions were re-drawn to exclude countries behind the Iron Curtain.
UEFA were now forced into action. It was the moment they feared most, which is reflected in their attempt to appease both jurisdictions of their membership. The governing body had decided that representatives from the east and west would be kept apart in the first round of the European Cup and the European Cup Winners’ Cup. It was a measure to buy time, but Celtic and clubs of similar persuasion, accepted the decision as the first progressive blow to Soviet aggression. Predictably, the Polish and Soviet football federations responded tempestuously. Both organisations highlighted the fact that the ruling was in breach of UEFA constitution, which vowed not to discriminate along regional or political lines. The Soviet Federation went further, threatening to involve FIFA if Europe’s footballing committee did not revoke its decision.
UEFA didn’t flex to any demands, but they experienced a chain reaction of withdrawal from their competitions by Eastern European nations. Only Romanian, Yugoslavian and Hungarian teams remained.
The redrawing of the tie saw Celtic paired against St Etienne instead of Ferencvaros. Yet as fate would have it, the Bhoys would then go on to be drawn against Yugoslavian giants, Partisan Belgrade, in the second round, who they determinedly thrashed 6-2 on aggregate.
Celtic’s point of principle may not have greatly improved the lives of the Czechoslovakian people. However, it raised public awareness for their plight. It sparked the flames of justice amongst the western public and showed a more determined effort to speak for the oppressed than the United Nations’, NATO and multiple national governments combined.
Bob Kelly’s words leave a stirring synopsis of the affair: “Celtic will hold their heads high for what they did. If UEFA had ruled against us, we would almost certainly have competed under the strongest type of protest. We might well in the circumstances have withdrawn from the competition. There are things for Celtic more important than money.”
