Part 5 challenged some of the narratives perpetuated by supporters when it comes to Celtic and Hibernian. This article touches on aspects of those narratives again, by looking at the complexity of the different identities expressed by fans of the two clubs. Given that both share a similar history, it is perhaps surprising to see how differently that history manifests at Celtic Park and Easter Road, respectively.
When looking at the identity of Celtic and Hibernian fans, there are two things that immediately stand out. The first is that celebration of Irish heritage is much more prominent among the Celtic faithful than the Hibs support, and the second is that a considerable section of the Celtic fanbase are known for political expression, whereas Irish Republican songs have not featured in the Hibernian songbook since the late 1970s.
It makes sense to begin any analysis of identity by looking at the development of the communities for which the clubs were formed. It is a very complex topic, so cannot be covered in full comprehensivity in this article, but I hope to provide a basic synopsis.
The Edinburgh Irish assimilated into Scottish society in the first half of the 20th century. This was partly because the community was small in size, partly because intermarriage made it indistinguishable, and possibly because the lived experience of the Irish diaspora on the east coast was not always one with the same intensity of sectarianism and anti-Irish racism as that experienced by their counterparts in the west. Accordingly, Hibs began to lose a strong sense of Irish identity and, generally speaking, its supporters began to look upon Ireland as a distant connection, with the main relevance being a historic nod to their founding fathers. A few tri-colours can be seen dotted in the stands, and the club’s crest has featured a harp since the turn of the millennium; a balance between being a Scottish club and having Irish roots which most Hibs fans seem comfortable with. However, these developments have led to Celtic supporters hitting them with the jibe of being ‘soup takers’ (people who converted for food during the Famine) due to a perception that the Hibees have abandoned their Irish heritage or ‘taken the soup’ if you will. Unsurprisingly, this cold remark is seldom well received.
In terms of the Glasgow Irish, they were much larger in number which has enabled the community to persist. Another wave of Irish immigration to the city in the 1920s maintained the link too. In regard to intermarriage, although this continues to occur at an increasing rate today, historically it wasn’t as prevalent as in other parts of Scotland. This comparative lack of mixed marriages also played a considerable role in the perseverance of Irish identity. Meanwhile, the level of sectarian bigotry and anti-Irish racism demonstrated in the west (though far from exclusive to the region) has impacted immensely. Indeed, occupational parity was not achieved by the Irish and their descendants in Glasgow (under the age of 55) until 1991. When extended to cover the entire working population (under 65s), parity was not achieved until 2001! Those socio-economic barriers, combined with a number of Orange marches taking place in the region, the historic presence of an anti-Catholic fascist razor gang in the city (The Billy Boys) and bigoted songs by a nearby club’s sizable support (such as the Famine Song), all played a further part in the Glasgow Irish holding their ethnic background dear in an unwelcoming host environment.
In the context of Celtic, the supporters’ sense of Irish identity has strong cultural relevance. Music and song provided the link to home for the first exiled Irish men and women, something that was evident on the slopes of Paradise and among Brake Clubs from the earliest days. Naturally, that musical heritage was handed to the successors and has never stopped being enjoyed by the faithful. It is not only a celebration of those who founded the club, but a celebration of many within the support’s own familial history.
On the point of cherishing heritage, whilst the Celtic support is vast, studies have repeatedly shown that the majority of fans hail from Irish stock. One ethnoreligious survey in Glasgow put the number at 74%. This leaves room for many fans from outwith the Irish tradition, but an overwhelming number do have ancestral connections to the Emerald Isle, meaning that the cultural ties go beyond the founding fathers of the football club and extend to the fans’ own roots. Quite poignantly, a certain interrelatedness can be found in this respect because of the community for whom Celtic was primarily founded. With that in mind, common references to the Celtic support as “plastic paddies” are somewhat disappointing to hear from Hibees.
At Hibernian, the support is not derived from the Irish diaspora to the same extent. As a speculative figure, there have been unscientific estimates suggesting that 50% of Hibs fans hail from Irish extraction, with a smaller percentage attaching significance to that ancestry. Geography has probably played a greater role in luring fans to Easter Road over the years, the simplistic generalisation being that those north and east of Princes Street tend to support Hibs, as opposed to those in the south and west of the city favouring Hearts. Therefore, it is unsurprising that Irish culture isn’t as prominent among the Hibernian fanbase as it is at Celtic Park.
External factors impact upon identity too. For example, in comparison to Hibs, Celtic enjoys huge support from the global Irish diaspora and across Ireland itself. These people solidify ties to the country. However, the most influential cohort from a historical perspective has been those who previously followed Belfast Celtic until the Ulster club’s demise in 1949. It was then that Paradise was lost in Antrim and found in Glasgow. As a result, Celtic inherited the sole allegiance of a fervent support, who would soon become politicised by the emergence of the Civil Rights movement and the unfolding of the Troubles. Celtic was to become their social outlet, and a place to freely express themselves, as the Flags & Emblems Act had criminalised Irish identity in the statelet known as Northern Ireland. The presence of so many Belfast Celtic fans, and subsequently their descendants, at Parkhead added to the eminence of Irish culture and further radicalised an already politically minded diaspora.
The matter of politics is probably the biggest chasm between the identities of Celtic and Hibernian. In the early years, Hibs fans were keenly supportive of Irish Home Rule. As the situation in Ireland changed through the Tan War, partition, civil rights protests, and armed struggle for a reunified Republic – songs of rebellion could be heard at times inside Easter Road. These songs were sung intermittently in the 1970s, but were dropped by the Hibs support after the bombing campaign against economic and military targets made its way to mainland Britain. No doubt the media coverage (or lack of) of events throughout the political conflict also affected things.
By contrast, Irish rebel songs continue to be heard by sections of the Celtic support to this day and are a major part of the matchday experience on supporter’s buses and in pubs. The reasons for this are many. The freedom of Ireland was never far away from the mind’s of those involved in Celtic’s beginnings. The likes of William McKillop (Irish Parliamentary Party MP for North Sligo and South Armagh) and Patrick Welsh (IRB volunteer on the run) were among the founding fathers, whilst Michael Davitt (famous Irish Patriot and convicted Republican) was named Club Patron and was invited to lay the first sod of turf at the new Celtic Park in 1892. During said turf laying ceremony, God Save Ireland, a controversial rebel song of the time, was performed by its composer T.D Sullivan. This was nothing unexpected as songs of an Irish Nationalist nature were sung by committee members at functions, and Celtic were the only sporting organisation to send an official delegation to the 1896 Irish Race Convention in Dublin, which was designed to plot a route towards Irish Home Rule.
Those same Nationalist songs, A Nation Once Again, Wearing of the Green, and the Dear Little Shamrock, were sung by supporters on the terraces and aboard Brake Club carts before being passed down the generations. With a keen eye on the ancestral home, the Irish diaspora were inspired by the main cause moving from Nationalism to Republicanism and the quest for Home Rule being replaced by outright independence after the Easter Rising. The Scots-Irish were enraged by the undemocratic partition of Ireland (as they saw it), just a few short years after the majority of the country had demonstrated its desire for an independent 32 County Republic in the 1918 general election. Witnessing six counties being torn from the other 26, Irish national sovereignty and democracy being violated, incensed those among the diaspora. Meanwhile, the subsequent pogroms, internment, and the Special Powers Act being inflicted upon Northern Nationalists did little to quell their boiling indignation as the new state violently rumbled through its infancy.
It must be remembered that there was another wave of Irish immigration to Glasgow in the 1920s (time of partition). These immigrants particularly came from border counties such as Donegal, Sligo, and Cavan. Anti-partition feelings were very strong in those regions of Eire and Eamon De Valera, President of the Irish Republic from 1919 to 1922, once remarked: “The financial contribution to the Irish struggle from among the Scottish communities was in excess of funds from any other country, including Ireland.” To reinforce this point, Glasgow and the West of Scotland boasted more Republican volunteers and Sinn Fein members than Belfast in the 1940s!
The politics, songs and culture of Ireland continued to be inherited by the offspring of Irish immigrants. After the Civil War ended across the water, 50 years of discrimination against Northern Catholics in housing, voting and employment rarely went unnoticed. The emergence of the Civil Rights movement, followed by the Battle of the Bogside, burning of Bombay Street and long struggle for a United Ireland, radicalised the Irish around the world to varying degrees. Throughout these times the ongoing presence of Ulster based fans at Parkhead, and the Glasgow Irish experience of discrimination mirroring the oppressive hardships endured (to a lesser extent) by those in the North of Ireland, made songs about these events feel relevant to the Celtic faithful.
Political songs were once the mainstay of the Celtic songbook, but since the mid-90s they have become the preserve of the away support and small pockets at home games. Those who sing them would contend that Irish Rebel songs tell the story of the struggle for Irish freedom, commemorate patriots, and remember the hardships endured by the Irish over the years. Famous musician Derek Warfield, in his Celtic & Ireland in Song and Story book, describes them in the following way: “These historical songs and ballads have been used by the Irish people to defend and propagate the many related causes of Ireland. They have been known to educate and inform, to bring knowledge and truth through literature and poetry. Above all, the lyrics and tunes in Celtic & Ireland in Song and Story (which are sung by the Celtic support) are far reaching, educational, and of course, provide a great source of pleasure.”
For a considerable section of Celtic fans, rebel songs were and are the foundation of Irish identity and rebellion, whilst they combine with non-political Irish cultural songs too. This has caused disagreements within the support, has outraged unsympathetic people in the Irish Free State, and has coveted a lot of controversy in Britain. Although these songs do not contain sectarian literature in their lyrics, they are believed to be sectarian songs by many in Scotland. More accurately, they remember and laud those who are viewed as terrorists by most in British society. To explain why sections of Celtic fans (and the Irish diaspora around the globe) disagree with such an opinion, even if they share a disdain for some of the individual actions undertaken by the organisations they sing about, it would require an analysis of Irish history, delving into the policy of Ulsterisation and suchlike, which is impossible to suitably provide here. Political websites or books would be more appropriate platforms for such complex content to be digested, and to get a greater insight into the accurate nature of the recent conflict in Ireland, but suffice it to say that the Hibernian support and sections of the Celtic support differ somewhat on the matter!
Politics is one of the distinct things about Celtic, probably the main differentiator between the identity of the Hoops and the Hibees, and is the reason why the club’s Irish based support is more concentrated in the North of Ireland. In that sense, away games are probably more reflective of a subgenre within Irish culture, with the home matches reflecting the type of folk songs that the wider Irish population may enjoy – the likes of the Fields of Athenry, Let The People Sing, Lonesome Boatman etc. It is also important to point out that politics in Paradise are far from limited to Ireland. Indeed, an extension of the Republicanism among Celtic fans has seen visible displays regarding other Anti-Imperialist causes (the plight of the Palestinians), Socialist matters and Labour politics.
Many Hibs supporters don’t want to be associated with the baggage of the above mentioned controversy, which in Scotland, is generally viewed as being part of an ‘Old Firm’ feud. As such, there has been a reluctance from some Hibees to display the Irish tricolour or to celebrate the club’s Irish roots at times. Indeed, such expression is often incorrectly conflated with sectarianism, whilst some people have become fearful of the stigma associated with it. That wider Irish culture isn’t always distinguished from politics or sectarianism is a sad indictment of Scottish society. Meanwhile, it is also saddening that many believe celebrating one’s own Irish roots is somehow anti-Scottish. This bemusing position has created a perception that the majority of Celtic fans view themselves as Irish rather Scottish, and is, anecdotally speaking, another reason why some Hibs fans don’t want to be tarred with this brush.
In an extensive study by John Kelly at the University of Edinburgh, titled Hibernian: The Forgotten Irish?, it was particularly dispiriting to read comments from Hibs fans accusing the Celtic faithful of being bigoted for flying the Irish flag and, without a hint of irony, suggesting that waving tri-colours should not happen at Easter Road because it is an intolerant action.
Conflicting identities in the modern day reached a moment of great strain when the Hibernian faithful proceeded to boo the Fields of Athenry and the Soldiers Song during the 2013 Scottish Cup Final against Celtic. There are still some Hibees who are less than phlegmatic about their desires to maintain the relevance of the club’s Irish background without the politics, but for the national anthem (as sung in its original form and by the Easter Rising leaders before anyone comments) and an inoffensive song about the famine (an intrinsic event to formation of our clubs) to be disavowed suggests disparity between the supports. From shared history to divided present indeed.
Join us for Part 7 tomorrow morning, when we look at a story about fog stopping play, before leading you into the match with the final part of the series in the afternoon – the biggest flashpoint between the fans of each club in the 1980s.
Just a wee story about the 1972 Scottish Cup final (Dixie Deans and all that!) when Celtic were beating Hibs 6-1 with a few minutes to go, and some Celtic fans started chanting “SEVEN”. A wee Irishman with no teeth and a large whisky bottle who was sitting beside me in the stand said “NO! Not against Hibs! We keep seven for the Orange B*******” He got his wish. Referee McKenzie blew his whistle and 6-1 it was.
And another thing! Liam is correct when he talks about the geographical divide of Edinburgh in that the north and the east of Edinburgh tend to go for Hibs, and ethnicity and religion are only a very small part of Hibs make up. This process was accelerated with the demise of Leith Athletic shortly after the Second World War. The non-Catholic people of Leith had no-one else to support, so had to turn more and more to Hibs particularly as the early 1950s were the glory years of the Hibees!
There is also the story of my wife’s family – very religious and Presbyterian from the Angus/Mearns area who arrived in Edinburgh before the First World War. The father was a policeman in Leith, and if he was not on duty at Easter Road, he was there supporting them! The two sons grew up with not a great interest in football, but when Wallace Mercer tried to take over Hibs in 1990/91, they rallied to the cause.
Absolute nonsense to say that in any way Hibs or Celtic are a “Catholic” club! Historically perhaps, to a point, but that soon changed.
Thanks for the replies David. I know that there is a geographical divide, generally speaking, but I didn’t know why that was/ hadn’t looked into it. I didn’t know Leith Athletic went bust either, I assumed they were still playing as a junior club.
There’s no doubt Celtic and Hibs have a broad support. Celtic derive a lot of supporters from Irish backgrounds, though not all are necessarily interested in their ancestry if they’re further down the line. There’s still a considerable chunk from other traditions though. I’d say our Irish identity remains prevalent. Not only because of the club’s roots, the support from Ireland and the global Irish diaspora, but because Irish immigration has continued into Scotland long since the main waves in the famine and 1920s. The Catholic aspect is not really to the fore anymore and hasn’t been for some time, especially with society becoming more secular. Keeping our identity and roots doesn’t mean that others aren’t welcomed though. As you know, we’ve signed players from other religions since 1890. I think other clubs often don’t realise you can keep your heritage whilst not being exclusive.